
So in the unsurprising news file, things are really not looking good in Pakistan right now. At all. It continues to be the single scariest country in the world, and things look as if they’re getting worse. I’ve written about the mammoth problems facing Pakistan in the past – here for example – and with the combination of the ‘creeping Talibanization’ of large swathes of the country and a foreign policy that seems to be at odds with the real threat facing the country, it’s not looking good. Nicholas Kristof had a great column today on the radicalization of large parts of Pakistan, including those far away from the traditionally troublesome northwest:
Even here in Karachi, the pragmatic commercial hub of the country, extremists have taken over some neighborhoods. A Pakistani police document marked “top secret,” given to me by a Pakistani concerned by the spreading tentacles of jihadis, states that Taliban agents sometimes set up armed checkpoints in one such neighborhood here.
These militants “generate funds through criminal activities like kidnapping for ransom, bank robbery, street robbery and other heinous crimes,” the report says.
The mayor of Karachi, Syed Mustafa Kamal, confirms that Pashtun tribesmen have barred outsiders from entering some neighborhoods.
“I’m the mayor, and I have three vehicles with police traveling with me. And even I cannot enter these areas or they will blow me up,” Mr. Kamal said, adding, “Pakistan is in very critical condition.”
Lala Hassan of the Aurat Foundation, which works on social issues, said: “There’s no doubt militancy is increasing day by day, not only in Karachi but all over Pakistan.”
A recent story in the NYT also underscored the challenge facing the country (and the U.S. as it works towards defanging al Qaeda and the Taliban) – instead of focusing on the most immediate threats to its stability, Pakistan is tunnel-visioned on its traditional archenemy, India.
Pakistan is objecting to expanded American combat operations in neighboring Afghanistan, creating new fissures in the alliance with Washington at a critical juncture when thousands of new American forces are arriving in the region.
Pakistani officials have told the Obama administration that the Marines fighting the Taliban in southern Afghanistan will force militants across the border into Pakistan, with the potential to further inflame the troubled province of Baluchistan, according to Pakistani intelligence officials.
Pakistan does not have enough troops to deploy to Baluchistan to take on the Taliban without denuding its border with its archenemy, India, the officials said. Dialogue with the Taliban, not more fighting, is in Pakistan’s national interest, they said.
While I don’t hold much hope for Pakistan reorienting its priorities to suit American foreign policy, it’s worth noting that at this point the Taliban and other Islamic extremists pose a far realer danger to Pakistan than India and its Kashmir skirmish does.
In regards to what the U.S. can actually do right now, Kristof offers a couple of suggestions. I have mentioned in previous posts that attempting to economically stabilize the country should be the primary foreign policy goal, but as Kristof points out redirecting military aid towards its education system would do wonders as well.
If we want to stabilize Pakistan, we should take two steps. First is to cut tariffs on manufactured imports from Pakistan. That would boost the country’s economy, raise employment and create good will. Cutting tariffs is perhaps the most effective step we could take to stabilize this country and fight extremism.
Second, we should redirect our aid from subsidies to the Pakistani military to support for a major education initiative. A bill in the Senate backed by the Democrat John Kerry and the Republican Richard Lugar would support Pakistani schools, among other nonmilitary projects, and would be an excellent step forward.
In rural Pakistan, you regularly see madrassas established by Islamic fundamentalists, typically offering free tuition, free meals and even scholarships to study abroad for the best students. It’s clear that the militant fundamentalists believe in the transformative power of education — and they have invested in schools, while we have invested in the Pakistani Army. Why can’t we show the same faith in education as hard-line Muslim fundamentalists?